Catholic theologian Karen Armstrong caught my attention with
her publication of Fields of Blood that
discusses religion and the history of violence (NY, Knopf, 2014). Elsewhere, I
have written about America’s violent history, a violence that long defended
slavery, practiced ethnic genocide, and otherwise left an ugly picture. I
concur with Armstrong’s defense of religion(s) that recognizes it as a substantive force of
reconciliation and non –violence more than the practice of hostility and
competitive force that some suggest.
She references historian John Bossey who reminds us that “before
1700 there was no concept of ‘religion’ as separate from society or politics
(cf: Wm. Cavanaugh/The Myth of Religious
Violence/159/John Bossy, “Christianity in the West,
1400-1700/Oxford/1985/170-71). As we shall see later in this chapter, she
writes, “that distinction would not be made until the formal separation of
church and state by modern philosophers and statesmen, and even then the
liberal state was slow to arrive. Before that time, ‘there simply was no
coherent way yet to divide religious causes from social causes; the divide is a
modern invention. ‘People were fighting for different visions of society, but
they had as yet no way to separate religious from temporal factors.”
“This was also true of the English Civil War (1642-48),” she
concludes, “which resulted in the execution of Charles I as the creation in
England of a short-lived Puritan republic under Oliver Cromwell (1599-1658).”
Armstrong counters the notion that religions are
intrinsically violent (as per Crusades etc), and that violence comes primarily
from secular sources such as the nation-state, and especially when that
political power behaves in the manner of the Roman Caesar and views itself as
the supreme value. Caesar emphasized this by demanding his subjects worship him
as their Deity.
She well documents events like Abu Graib, 911, and other
aspects of the current conflict between ISIS and Western Culture. She
illustrates how the perpetrators of 911 felt great compassion for Islamic peoples
and causes, sufficient to become radicalized, but were also very “lite” in
their Islamic faith. They were hardly conversant enough with the Koran to know
its teachings forbid the harassment et al of other religions, and especially Judaism
and Christianity. Their violence resulted more from their secular/political ideologies than their teachings from the Koran.
Another idea that captured my attention is found in the
following quote (Armstrong/274-75). She writes: “James Kelly and Barton Stone railed
against the aristocratic clergy who tried to force the erudite faith of Harvard
on the people. Enlightenment philosophers had insisted that people must have
the courage to throw off their dependence on authority, use their their natural
reason to discover the truth, and think for themselves.
“Now the Revivalist insisted that Americans could read the
Bible without direction from upper-class scholars. When Stone founded his own
denomination, he called it a ‘declaration of independence’: the revivalists
were bringing the modern ideals of democracy, equality, freedom of speech, and
independence to the folk in an idiom that uneducated people could make their
own. This Second Awakening may have seemed retrograde to the elite, but it was
actually a Protestant version of the Enlightenment. Demanding a degree of
equality that the American ruling class was not yet ready to give them, the
revivalists represented a populist discontent that it could not safely ignore.
“At first,” she continues, “this rough democratic Christianity
was confined to the poorer Americans, but during the 1840’s Charles Finney
(1792-1875) brought it to the middle classes, creating an ‘evangelical’
Christianity based on a literal reading of the gospels … Like the Second Great
Awakening, these modernizing movements [social issues] helped ordinary
Americans to embrace the ideal of inalienable human rights in a Protestant
package ... the Great Awakenings in America show that people can reach these
ideals by another, specifically religious route.”
I found Armstrong supporting the notion that we can be true
to our faith while also lifting up the downtrodden and the vulnerable. To
recognize the social aspects of our faith ministry is not necessarily to delute
(liberalize) our faith, as some contend.
Like a good writer, she stretched my mind and expanded my
understanding. She cleared my thinking about religion being widely united against violence and added to my understanding of religion as a social uplift as well as a spiritual renewal. From Warner’s World, I am walkingwithwarner.blogspot.com
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